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The Many Colors of Crime

by John Hagan Ruth D. Peterson Lauren J. Krivo

In this authoritative volume, race and ethnicity are themselves considered as central organizing principles in why, how, where and by whom crimes are committed and enforced. The contributors argue that dimensions of race and ethnicity condition the very laws that make certain behaviors criminal, the perception of crime and those who are criminalized, the determination of who becomes a victim of crime under which circumstances, the responses to laws and crime that make some more likely to be defined as criminal, and the ways that individuals and communities are positioned and empowered to respond to crime.Contributors: Eric Baumer, Lydia Bean, Robert D. Crutchfield, Stacy De Coster, Kevin Drakulich, Jeffrey Fagan, John Hagan, Karen Heimer, Jan Holland, Diana Karafin, Lauren J. Krivo, Charis E. Kubrin, Gary LaFree, Toya Z. Like, Ramiro Martinez, Jr., Ross L. Matsueda, Jody Miller, Amie L. Nielsen, Robert O'Brien, Ruth D. Peterson, Alex R. Piquero, Doris Marie Provine, Nancy Rodriguez, Wenona Rymond-Richmond, Robert J. Sampson, Carla Shedd, Elizabeth Trejos-Castillo, Avelardo Valdez, Alexander T. Vazsonyi, María B. Vélez, Geoff K. Ward, Valerie West, Vernetta Young, Marjorie S. Zatz.

Texas Employment Law

by John Hagan Justin Smith James Tanner Rogge Dunn Kristi Taylor Jane Matheson Rani Garcia John Browning Steven Clark Wade Forsman Joel Gomez Steven Ladik Laura Franze Bryan Neal

Texas-Specific Answers to Employment Law Questions The first and best place to look for employment advice is Laura Franze's Texas Employment Law. It provides well-supported answers to both common and difficult questions, annotating its suggestions with 3,800 cases and 156 forms. The book includes over 60 substantive discovery and pleading forms, omission-preventing checklists and outlines, time-saving letters, authoritative jury instructions, dispute-avoiding employment agreements, and artfully-drafted motions. There are nine well-supported chapters covering all types of employment discrimination - disability, sexual harassment, FMLA, race, sex, and age. It also includes substantive and procedural analysis of the Texas Commission on Human Rights Act and its remedies, over 150 pages on workplace torts, with comprehensive coverage of interference with business interests, violations of business covenants, trade secret and privacy issues, defamation, negligence, intentional infliction of emotional distress, fraud and more. Authoritative coverage of the traditional issues of wages, hours, and overtime, along with safety and health, employee benefits, unemployment compensation, employer record-keeping and internal policies. Additionally, Texas Employment Law includes the law of employment agreements - written, oral, and implied. Constructive discharge and the Sabine Pilot doctrine. Proper and improper methods of employee selection. Employment-oriented immigration laws and much more. The first and best place to look for employment answers is Laura Franze's Texas Employment Law Authoritative guidance is provided in this detailed analysis of local and federal cases and statutes covering: Employment contracts, Wages, hours & overtime, Employee safety & health, Immigration issues, Pension, Health & welfare benefits, Privacy issues, FMLA Wrongful discharge, Constructive discharge, Sexual harassment, Disability discrimination, Race, sex, and age discrimination, Arbitration of employment claims, and a thorough discussion of whistleblower protection under Sarbanes-Oxley, as well as practical advice on the impact of the law for employers and employees.

Who Are the Criminals? The Politics of Crime Policy

by John Hagan

How did the United States go from being a country that tries to rehabilitate street criminals and prevent white-collar crime to one that harshly punishes common lawbreakers while at the same time encouraging corporate crime through a massive deregulation of business? Why do street criminals get stiff prison sentences, a practice that has led to the disaster of mass incarceration, while white-collar criminals, who arguably harm more people, get slaps on the wrist--if they are prosecuted at all? In Who Are the Criminals?, one of America's leading criminologists provides new answers to these vitally important questions by telling how the politicization of crime in the twentieth century transformed and distorted crime policymaking and led Americans to fear street crime too much and corporate crime too little. John Hagan argues that the recent history of American criminal justice can be divided into two eras--the age of Roosevelt (roughly 1933 to 1973) and the age of Reagan (1974 to 2008). A focus on rehabilitation, corporate regulation, and the social roots of crime in the earlier period was dramatically reversed in the later era. In the age of Reagan, the focus shifted to the harsh treatment of street crimes, especially drug offenses, which disproportionately affected minorities and the poor and resulted in wholesale imprisonment. At the same time, a massive deregulation of business provided new opportunities, incentives, and even rationalizations for white-collar crime--and helped cause the 2008 financial crisis and subsequent recession. The time for moving beyond Reagan-era crime policies is long overdue, Hagan argues. The understanding of crime must be reshaped and we must reconsider the relative harms and punishments of street and corporate crimes.

Who Are the Criminals? The Politics of Crime Policy from the Age of Roosevelt to the Age of Reagan

by John Hagan

How did the United States go from being a country that tries to rehabilitate street criminals and prevent white-collar crime to one that harshly punishes common lawbreakers while at the same time encouraging corporate crime through a massive deregulation of business? Why do street criminals get stiff prison sentences, a practice that has led to the disaster of mass incarceration, while white-collar criminals, who arguably harm more people, get slaps on the wrist--if they are prosecuted at all? In Who Are the Criminals?, one of America's leading criminologists provides new answers to these vitally important questions by telling how the politicization of crime in the twentieth century transformed and distorted crime policymaking and led Americans to fear street crime too much and corporate crime too little. John Hagan argues that the recent history of American criminal justice can be divided into two eras--the age of Roosevelt (roughly 1933 to 1973) and the age of Reagan (1974 to 2008). A focus on rehabilitation, corporate regulation, and the social roots of crime in the earlier period was dramatically reversed in the later era. In the age of Reagan, the focus shifted to the harsh treatment of street crimes, especially drug offenses, which disproportionately affected minorities and the poor and resulted in wholesale imprisonment. At the same time, a massive deregulation of business provided new opportunities, incentives, and even rationalizations for white-collar crime--and helped cause the 2008 financial crisis and subsequent recession. The time for moving beyond Reagan-era crime policies is long overdue, Hagan argues. The understanding of crime must be reshaped and we must reconsider the relative harms and punishments of street and corporate crimes. In a new afterword, Hagan assesses Obama's policies regarding the punishment of white-collar and street crimes and debates whether there is any evidence of a significant change in the way our country punishes them.

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